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By Hae-kyung Um

In an age of globalization, functionality is more and more drawn from intercultural creativity and found in multicultural settings. This quantity is the 1st to target the acting arts of Asian diasporas within the context of modernity and multiculturalism. The essays find the modern appearing arts as a discursive box during which the bounds among culture and translation, and authenticity and hybridity are redefined and negotiated to create a mess of which means and aesthetics in worldwide and native contexts.With contributions from students of Asian reports, theatre experiences, anthropology, cultural stories, dance ethnology and musicology, this really interdisciplinary paintings covers each element of the sociology of functionality of the Asian diasporas.

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Extra info for Diasporas and Interculturalism in Asian Performing Arts: Translating Traditions (Routledgecurzon--Iias Asian Studies Series)

Sample text

In 2000 one very well known magazine based in Hong Kong took up ‘8 things you didn’t know about Chinese consumers’. The first, and presumably most important, of these ‘things’ was as follows: ‘For music, fashion and more, the trend capital of China is the capital of Japan’ (Tuinstra 2000: 42). China may still be nationalist, but a great many of its people, especially among the youth, like the consumerism of Japan and its related culture. The sinicized version of the globalized pop culture which originated in the US is more to the tastes of most people at the beginning of the twenty-first century than any traditions.

Sometimes the Chinese diasporas have done well in their new homes and individuals have become very influential. Examples include the US, Canada and Australia. In other countries times of crisis or tension have expressed themselves in racial riots affecting the Chinese diaspora. A primary example has been in Indonesia in the period after the fall of Suharto in May 1998. The members of the Chinese diaspora are usually referred to as Overseas Chinese, the Chinese term being huaqiao. Wang Gungwu regards the translation ‘Chinese sojourner’ as more accurate, on the grounds that ‘Overseas Chinese’ carried a strong political bias when first used at the beginning of the twentieth century: ‘It referred to sojourners who cared enough for China to involve themselves in China’s politics as well as to colonists who had the right to receive China’s protection’ (Wang 1991b: 84).

Many clan, religious, recreational and occupational associations were formed to create bonds, social interaction and business networks for many newcomers who were experiencing life in a foreign country with other ethnic groups for the first time (Song 1967: 29; Yen 1995: 33–8; Clammer 1985: 17; Liu 1998). Clashes and even violence between different Chinese groups were not uncommon in the nineteenth century as they struggled to assume leadership positions and to take advantage of business opportunities (Song 1967: 87, 402; Yen 1995: 15–16).

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