Download Delegation and Accountability in Parliamentary Democracies by Kaare Strøm, Wolfgang C. Müller, Torbjörn Bergman PDF

By Kaare Strøm, Wolfgang C. Müller, Torbjörn Bergman

This can be the main formidable and entire account of the associations of democratic delegation in West eu parliamentary democracies up to now. It offers an extraordinary cross-national research of West eu political associations from 1945 until eventually the current day, in addition to situating glossy parliamentary democracy within the context of adjusting political events and the growing to be value of the ecu Union.

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Extra info for Delegation and Accountability in Parliamentary Democracies (Comparative Politics)

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Colomer (2001: 213), who differentiates between parliamentary systems with majoritarian versus proportional electoral systems, shows that the regime survival rate of proportional-parliamentary democracies is considerably greater than that of presidential democracies, which, in turn, do better than majoritarian parliamentary ones. Other studies, however, place presidential democracy in a more favourable light (Shugart and Carey 1992; Mainwaring and Shugart 1997; von Mettenheim 1997). Lane and Ersson (2000: 117–42), for instance, show that parliamentary systems clearly outperform presidential ones in democratic stability and socioeconomic development.

Once successful, interest groups prefer to insulate government agencies from future democratic control. In order to protect their policy gains, they lobby for excessive regulation of the agencies, which, in turn, renders these administrative units ineffective (see also McCubbins, Noll, and Weingast 1987). In contrast, parliamentary systems of the Westminster type do not allow for such entrenchment of institutions, since any new parliamentary majority can dismantle the regulations. Hence, there is no incentive to ‘overregulate’ government agencies and thus cripple them.

With regard to Bryce’s second question—which system guards better against errors caused by ignorance, haste, or passion—he favoured presidentialism: ‘by dividing power between several distinct authorities, it provides more carefully than does the Parliamentary [system] against errors on the part either of Legislature or Executive, and retards the decision by the people of conflicts arising between them’ (1921: ii. 474). Before arriving at his verdict, Bryce discussed at some length the merits and demerits of parliamentarism and presidentialism.

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