By Raúl Homero Villa
Struggles over house and resistance to geographic displacement gave upward push to a lot of Chicano background and tradition. during this pathfinding booklet, Ra?l Villa explores how California Chicano/a writers, reporters, artists, activists, and musicians have used expressive tradition to oppose the community-destroying forces of city renewal courses and big highway improvement and to create and protect a feeling of Chicano place-identity. Villa opens with a old review that exhibits how Chicano groups and tradition have constructed in accordance with conflicts over house ever because the usa' annexation of Mexican territory within the 1840s. Then, turning to the paintings of up to date contributors of the Chicano intelligentsia akin to poet Lorna Dee Cervantes, novelist Ron Arias, and the paintings collective RCAF (Rebel Chicano artwork Front), Villa demonstrates how their expressive practices re-imagine and re-create the dominant city area as a group allowing position. In doing so, he illuminates the never-ending interaction during which cultural texts and practices are formed by way of and act upon their social and political contexts.
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Additional info for Barrio-Logos: Space and Place in Urban Chicano Literature and Culture (CMAS History, Culture, and Society Series)
S. citizens? How to combat Anglo stereotypes and increase mexicano public image in the larger civic sphere? ; Medeiros 1975). Also, considering the substantial proletarianization of the mexicano community, many publications gave signiﬁcant coverage and editorial support to progressive and radical labor activism and anticapitalist agitation, most notably in Regeneracio´n, published by Ricardo and Flores Mago´n. Even with its strong internationalist orientation, Regeneracio´n gave critical attention to local problems of barrio community residents, such as continuing racial violence, job discrimination, and judicial-system abuses suffered by mexicanos.
A. ). More signiﬁcant for my discursive analysis of this emer- Creative Destruction 31 gent barriological critique was the editors’ declaration of resistance to the erasure of collective social space. In calling for an organized response by the mexicano community, they made this poignant proclamation: ‘‘We still have a voice, tenacity and rights; we have not yet retired to the land of the dead’’ (May 16, 1877; quoted in Griswold del Castillo 1979 : 128–129). This statement’s integration of emotive sentiment with counterhegemonic expression would characterize much barriological discourse to follow.
Even as mexicanos were overwhelmed in absolute quantity, their relative numbers rose from nearly 5 percent of the city’s population in 1900 to about 15 percent by 1930. The low-to-high population estimates for mexicanos in this period range be- 40 Barrio-Logos tween 3,000 and 5,000 in 1900 and between 97,000 and 190,000 in 1930 (Camarillo 1984 : 34). However, the segregated residential patterns already established by the turn of the century guaranteed that the Anglo-American majority, dispersed among the outlying subdivisions, would have limited contact with the growing non-Anglo communities left to the central city.